I'm going to risk to enter into a dangerous
field which
is the problem of ethics. I know that I am entering into storming
waters, but
for a long time I have felt the need to do it, because I do think that
there
lies the Gordian knot of the evolution of the human kind. It is an
undeniable
fact that transcendental changes have taken place in some societies
which has
transformed the world, whereas others remain in the shadows of what
today we can
consider social prehistory. There have been many explanations to this
evolution
of humanity and likewise multiple assessments of them have been made..
I believe
that there is a causality in social evolution and also as Popper says
we don't
live in the best of the possible worlds, but the Western democratic
societies
have reached the best we have ever known.”
To explain that causality is not
only a scientific interest, or a
historic curiosity but the key that would open the door to the
political,
economic and cultural development of mankind. In that sense, I deny
that there
is a racial or religious fatality that places some societies at the
highest
level of history. I also refuse to accept that the life of s a similar
process
to that of the life of man where one is born, grows all and dies. Not
withstanding that I do not believe in the possibility to find a
paradise on
earth and man life will always be dramatic by nature, it seems to me
that given
the advance of communications, every day will be more difficult to
refer to
individual societies and we will be
forced to speak of the human society as a whole. In other words, even
though
this process which has created this so called global village has been
mainly the
product of certain societies or nations that does not mean that it will
be
necessary to foretell the their decadence as
a condition for the
development of others, that today
are still relatively backward.
Obviously it could be possible at least to predict
a world holocaust, as a consequence of the permanent potentiality of a
nuclear
war. But that does not mean the decadence of of one or more societies
but rather
the destruction of both lesser and greater developed societies or
humanity. I
believe, though it may seem to be cynical to say so, that the existence
of
nuclear weapons has been the best mean ever invented to prevent war..
That
was the very reason why we did not
suffered the Third World War. War has become just a privilege and a
possibility
of the backward countries, precisely because they lack nuclear
weapons.
That makes me
think that in the same way that
there is a common destiny
of humanity facing the possibility of total destruction, we may hope
that there
is also the possibility of a share destiny with respect to progress.
But in any
event, this possible destiny is not a historical fatality, but depends
on human
decisions. In other words, I do not believe in a historical predetermined
destiny that is a sort of historicism whether Hegelian or Marxist. I
better
believe that these rationalistic conceptions have ignored the
fundamental
element in social life and in particular the advancement achieved
through the
capitalist systems, which is based on
ethics.
I would reject any attempt to construe the
above conclusion as the
acceptance of Max Weber[1] theory respecting the
protestant ethic, as determinant
of the capitalist process. In his book The European Reform, E. T.
Elliot has
given more than sufficient reasons to invalidate
such thesis, but I want to add
mine. The Reform took place
in Germany, but it was in Great Britain, where Lutheranism was not
accepted
neither Puritanism, where if took place the philosophical system which
gave rise
to the so called Industrial Revolution. Anglicanism for a long time was
no more
than Catholicism without Rome and the Pope. Hence, being so it is
difficult to
assimilate it to the puritan concepts that Weber considers determinants
of
capitalism.
Germany
and England
are two paradigmatic social models. Protestant Germany did not behave
very
different from Catholic France; we better remember that at the time of
the
Reform the Habsburg crown was placed on Charles V head, and united the
German
and Spanish kingdoms. It is not between Germany and England that we may
find
substantial climatic or racial differences which would allow us to
explain
political developments so different. It is for this very reason that I
think
that it is from the analysis of this two nations in
the European meaning of
the word, that it is possible
to find the implication of the different ethical approaches on the
respective
political developments.
Very recently I learnt that Steffan Zweig little before his death had
said that
the rule "to live and let live" was the golden rule of the social ethic
and very
much superior to any categorical imperative. Zweig had had to suffer in
his own
flesh the effects of the totalitarian ethic of the Third Reich. Hitler
tried to explain the nazi millennium
through the historic sources of the Holy Roman Germanic Empire,
characterized by Charles Magnus as the
First Reich and the German unity achieved under the Prussian aegis of
von
Bismark as the Second one.
The decade of the thirties saw continental
Europe debated
between the Hegelian and Marxist ethics and so Nazism and communism
pretended to
divide the world. This was not just a historical accident, but
reflected the
actual development of the Franco-German political philosophy. Obviously
that was
not applicable to England, and I do notthink that this was to its
insularity
limits, since Ireland was also an island and she did not develop in the
same
way.
It is from these two relevant historical
realities that I
have undertaken the analysis of the ethical foundation for these
societies and
for that purpose I have chosen two giants of the universal thinking.
From Great
Britain, the transcendental figure of David Hume and from Germany the
genius of
Koenigsberg, Emmanuel Kant. It is not possible to doubt the genuine
ethical
objectives of these two philosophers. Though there is
no doubt with regard to the genuine ethical
objectives of these two
philosophers, I concur with Steffan Sweig that the political and social
findings
of the Scottish philosophers were more positive for humanity than the
ethical
rationalism of the German philosopher and his categorical imperative.
David Hume was born in Glasgow in 1711 and when
he was 24
years of age, after studying in the Jesuits School of La Fletche in
France,
where Descartes also studied, he produced his opera magna: A
Treatise on
Human Nature[2]. It is from Book III of this
work: Of Morals,
that I will analyze the Anglo-Saxon ethical foundations of the golden
rule: to
live and let live. Emmanuel Kant was born in Köenigsberg in
1724,so he was
almost contemporary with Hume but he lived long enough to see the
French
Revolution of 1789, since he died in 1804. Kant tried a third position
between
the Humean empiricism and the continental rationalism in order to save
knowledge
from Hume skepticism. Even though Kant, in his theory of knowledge,
took into
account Hume's empirical and skeptical approach with respect to
scientific
knowledge evidently he did not know Hume’s principle regarding moral
and
justice. In the analysis that I made I took into account Kant’s essay The
Foundation of the Metaphysics of Morals[3]
published in 1785, that is four years after his Critic to Pure
Reason.
That is the year before The Critic to Practical Reason. As we
may see the
comparative analysis made refers to two partial aspects of the works of
these
philosophers. However I believe that it contains enough elements as to
be able
to arrive to meaningful conclusions over the ethical and political
evolution of
their respective countries and the influence that they have had on the
universal
culture. In any event I think that I'm just giving the first kick to a
controversy that I consider of the utmost
importance.
2. A
Critical
Analysis of Book III of the David
Hume’s Treatise on Human Nature
Respecting morals, there is a common
principle in
Hume and Kant. Both contend that morality belong to the realm of
intention. So
Hume says in his Treatise on Human Nature: "It is evident that
when we
praise any actions we regard only the motives that produced them, and
consider
the actions as signs rf indications of certain principles in the mind
and
temper. The external performance has no merit. We must look within to
find the
moral quality.”It appears, therefore, that all virtuesactions derive
their merit
only from virtues motives, and are considered merely as signs of those
motives.”
In
these two philosophers, I believe we can find
two paradigmatic ethical conceptions which defined two distinct
historical
evolution of society and consequently determined different behavior of
individuals and governments. From these two conceptions arose, the
opposition
between the open and the totalitarian society. A result that was
not
necessarily the will of their expositors. That is I'm not judging the
good will of each one of these philosophers, but the success or the
failure
which resulted in society from the empirical implementation of their
respective
ethical approaches.
Hume
started developing a moral concept which was already
present in Aristotle's Nicomakean Moral. There the Stagirist
says: “The distinction that we make of
judgment are truthful or false but not good or bad; These lasts are
mainly
applicable to the intention, to reflexive preference. If we have such a
moral
character is because we choose intentionally the good and the evil, not
because
we judge or think. Our intention
applies to look for one thing and to run from some other or practice
other
similar actions, whereas judgment help us to understand what things
are, what
are they for, and how we can employ them. But it not by means of the
judgment
that we decide to prefer one thing from other. The intention is
laudable because
it is directed to the object that it should, even more because it right
but
judgment is appreciated mainly because it is
true.”
In the above statement we
can perceive the Aristotelian
distinction that later on was expanded by Hume, between passion
(feeling) and
reason. The first one is what Aristotle refers to as the intention
whereas,
judgement is the word used to mean reason. In that sense, Hume says:
“Morals
excite passions and produce or prevent actions. Reason of itself is
utterly
impotent in this particular. The rules of morality, therefore are not
conclusions of our reason”. As Aristotle indicated about
the judgment, Hume says: “Reason
is the discovery of truth or falsehood. Truth or falsehood consist in
the
agreement or disagreement either to the real relations of ideas or to
real
existence and matter of fact.” Then Hume concludes that given that our
volitions
and passions cannot be qualified as true or false, morality cannot be
contrary
or according to reason.
According to this logic, Hume contends that the
above
conclusion has a double advantage. The first one is that it shows that
actions
don’t derive their merit per se for being conforming to reason, neither
their
blame; the second is that indirectly it also shows that given that
reason is not
able to prevent or produce any action whether it approve it or
contradict it,
reason cannot be the source of good or evil.
That is that for Hume, morality is within the
realm of
passions, or feelings. The above position may be construed as a sort of
Hume
romanticism in a Rousseaunian style, but actually his ethical analysis
is
neither romantic nor rational. That is why Hume in his moral approach
declines
the general principle of liberty as a precondition for moral values,
which he
considers as chance –probability– and considers that it is subject to
necessity.
Hume arguments with respect to the
alternative of liberty and necessity
are rather subtle and for many people even controversial. In order to
avoid that
qualification, Hume distinguish between necessity in men conduct and
determinism
as it affects matter. We may say
then that he finds a difference between necessity, which is a sort of
conditionality and material determinism. So he says: “Let no one,
therefore, put
an invidious construction on my words, by saying simply that I assert
the
necessity of human actions, and place them on the same footing with the
operations of senseless matter. I do not ascribe to the will that
unintelligible
necessity, which is supposed to lie in matter”. And a little after he
continues:
“It is only upon the principle of necessity that a person acquires any
merit or
demerit from his actions, however the common opinion may incline to the
contrary.”[4]
It is from this point of departure of the
concept of
necessity which operates upon the will that Hume considers that
morality is
found in the field of feelings, which in some ways are impressed into
the human
soul. In that sense, he asserts that since reason always implies four
kinds of
relations which are resemblance, contrariety, degrees in quality, and
proportions in quantity and numbers, morality should fall then on the
object and
not on the will of the acting subject. In such case, even the inanimate
objects
could be capable of beauty or moral
deformity.
Morality, then Hume contends, is more
felt than judged. Since reason only
permits us to know what is true or false, it can only act upon our
will in two ways. So Hume says[5]:
“Either when it excites a passion by informing us of the existence of
something
which is a proper object of it; or when it discovers the connection of
causes
and effect, so as to afford us means of exerting any passion.” Passion
is the
true active principle and this cannot be promoted or prevented by
reason which
is passive. Mistaken reasoning or false judgments can induce us to
unduly
action, either as a consequence of an erroneous appreciation in respect
to the
influence of some objects to produce pain or pleasure or for not
knowing which
are the proper means to satisfy our wishes. That is why Hume contends
that such
conducts cannot be assessed neither immoral or irrational, but it is
only the
judgment which has been wrong.
We can conclude with Hume first that moral merit
only derives from
intention or the motives of the will and
the actions are just the signs of such intentions, and it is in this
approach
that he coincides with Kant. In the second place, that the appreciation
of such
actions depends on the approval or disapproval that arises as a
consequence of
the pleasure or pain that they caused on the observer. Such approval or
disapproval is just a feeling and it is not derived from a rational
analysis.
And third, that such appreciation does not mean that morality is
subjective, but
that it derives from necessity, that is the motive which operate upon
the
individual, like the affection for the offspring. Thus if such motives
did not
exist as a precedent to the conduct , then it should not be
expected.
Hume analysis is more than interesting when as
a
consequence of the first of our conclusions stated above, he asserts
that the
virtuous motive that grants the merit to the action cannot be the
virtue of the
action itself, but it most exist another natural motive. Hence he says:
“We
blame the father for abandoning his son. Why? Because that shows
a want of natural affection which is the
duty of every parent. If the natural affection would not be a duty, the
care of
the son would not be a duty”. And finally he concludes: “No action can
be
virtuous or morally good, unless there is in human nature some motive
which
produces it, different from the sense of its morality”. In this
conclusion, Hume
fully contradicts Kant’s idea respecting that the moral conduct cannot
have
other motive but the rational acceptance of the sense of
duty.
It is from the above moral approach that Hume
wisely
distinguishes between moral and justice. While he contends that it was
not
possible in general to determine whether vice and virtue were natural
or
artificial, justice was the product of human artifice. Consequently,
while
morality was intentional, justice was consequential, that is it is
considered
utilitarian. This distinction between morality and justice is of the
major
importance for the organization of society and it is what permits the
open
society founded on tolerance.
Justice is artificial but not arbitrary and it
has as a
fundamental reason the social interaction which might permit to
overcome the
lack of sociability of men in spite of their need of sociability. So
Hume
recognizes that: “In general, it may be affirmed that there is no such
passion
in human minds, as the love of mankind, merely as such, independent of
personal
qualities, of services, or of relations to ourselves”. At the same
time, Hume
recognizes that the happiness or the misery of any one affect us when
it is
close to us. But that feeling comes from sympathy and not from a
universal love
to mankind. So Hume explains how sex attraction is real an it is common
passion
in men and nothing similar to it is the love to mankind. Hence, neither
public
nor private benevolence could be the original motive of justice. Then,
justice
is an artificial instrument, though not arbitrary notwithstanding that
there is
no more natural virtue than justice.
From the very idea of justice, Hume derives the
idea of
property and says: “After this convention concerning abstinence from
the
possessions of others is entered into and everyone has acquired a
stability in
his possession, there immediately arise the ideas of justice and
injustice; as
also of those of property, right and obligation.” And he continues
saying : “A
man’s property is some object related to him. This relation is not
natural but
moral and founded on justice… The origin of justice explains that of
property.
The same artifice gives rise to both”. In this way
Hume explain the nature of justice
and property as a
requirement to limit men passions, who always prefer themselves and
their
friends and not to strangers. Justice and property are to solve the
inconveniences caused by on one side the very nature of men mind
(selfishness
and limited generosity) and on the other, the facility of the exchange
of
external goods, together with their relative scarcity in relation to
men
aspirations. Hume’s conclusion in this respect is really sublime and it
is the
corollary of the above assertions: “Encrease to a sufficient degree the
benevolence of men or the bounty of nature, and you render justice
useless by
supplying its place with much nobler virtues, and more valuable
blessings”.
Justice as a system is then an indisputable necessity of society for
the reasons
explained above.” But however single acts of justice may be contrary
either to
public or private interest it is certain that the whole plan as scheme
is highly
conducive or indeed absolute requisite both to the support of society
and the
well being of every individual.” And hence, he arrives to the
conclusion that
“This self interest is the original motive to the establishment of
justice; but
a sympathy with public interest is the source of the moral approbation
which
attends that virtue”.
3. A Critical Analysis of Kant’s Foundation
of the
Metaphysics of Moral
In the first chapter of the Foundation of
the
Metaphysics of Morals, Kant says: “Neither in the world, nor in
general
outside the world it is possible to think anything that could be good
without
restriction outside of a good will”. It is here and only here that he
concides
David Hume that moral pertains to the field of intention, that is of
the will
that principle is elaborated by Kant: “good will is not good due to
what its
effects or accomplishes, it is not good for its suitability for
achieving
something that we have proposed for ourselves: it is good only because
of the
will; it is good in itself.
Then, Kant develops his theory of moral value
in relation to happiness
and reason. In that sense, he points out that reason is far from being
the
instrument to achieve happiness and that instinct is the best
instrument to
attain it. So he asserts that the vulgar men live a happier life
without the
problems created by reason and so he says: “In reality we find that
the more a cultivated reason worries
about the purpose of the pleasure of life and attaining happiness that
much more man becomes distanced from
true satisfaction.” He concludes then that giving that reason has been
granted
to us, it has a more dignified end than the mere search for happiness.
And in
that respect Kant continues: “ As reason has been given to us as a
practical
faculty, that is as a faculty that should have an influence on the
will, hangs,
the true destiny of reason ought to be to produce a good will, not in
such or
other respect but good in itself”
This means that the happiness sought by reason
can not be the one that
derives from inclination, even though they might coincide, but the one
which
arises from an end that is only determined by reason. So Kant thinks
that any
maxim only has a moral content when
the action is performed against inclination. Kant then gives some
examples to
show that evaluation and among them he says: “that when a person is
naturally
commiserative and derives pleasure from giving, his action has no moral
content
and so he concludes: “It lacks the moral content, that is, that such
actions be
made not by inclination by duty”.
Kant establishes then the following maxims to
define the moral value of
the conduct which are:
- That everyone should pursue his own happiness
not by
inclination but by duty only in this case has his action a moral
value.
- An action made by duty has its moral value not
on
account of the objective that it wants to reach through it, but in the
maxim
for which it has been decided.
- Duty is the necessity of an action for the
respect to
the law.
Once Kant defined the moral value of any
conduct, as
compliance with the law and contrary to inclination, he had to find
what was the
general law. From this arises the categorical imperative, as the only
principle
of the will and which is defined in the following way: “I should never
act in
other way that I could wish that my maxim should be converted into a
universal
law.” Kant considers that such universal principle is accessible to the
vulgar
man, who “knows” by that mean to distinguish in each case in accordance
with his
reason what is good and what is evil. And so he says: “It is not
necessary any
science or philosophy in order to know what should be done to be honest
and
good, and even wise and virtuous.”
Kant, in this sense, makes a truly surprising
inference
when he argues that practical reason reaches a
degree of universal validity,
transcending experience
what he denies to pure reason which according to him enters into
contradiction
when it transcends the limits of experience. And says: “In practice,
for a
change starts the faculty of judging, showing itself very advantageous
when the
vulgar understanding excludes from the practical laws every sensible
motives”.
Maybe it is in this principle where we find a major contradiction with
Hume’s
postulates to which we are going to refer to in the conclusions.
It is important then to stress that for Kant
practical
reason is not a concept related to experience. The popularity of common
reason
would have not been achieved as an empirical knowledge, but as a
metaphysic of
customs which has a priori universal validity, regardless of the fact
that any
time we may find such a conduct empirically. Kant emphasizes this point
saying:
“Given everything that have been already said, we can clearly see that
all moral
concepts have their seat and origin completely a priori in reason and
in the
most ordinary human reason as well as in the higher speculative one:
they cannot
be derived from any empirical knowledge, which for that very reason it
would be
contingent, and in that purity of origin resides its dignity to serve
as a
paramount practical principles… Given that moral laws should be valid
for every
rational being in general…”
This metaphysic of moral apparently deprived of
every
concept of finality seems to be an invalid exercise for humanity’s
purposes.
However notwithstanding Kant’s moral absolutes implied by the
categorical
imperative, he seems to accept that
at the end this a priori and intentional moral conduct determines a
greater good
for the world. Except that this good could be measured only in the
conscience
and independently from results, there we find a contradiction between
the
abstract hypothesis of the a priori reason and the good of the
world.
Then in what way can we interpret the following
Kant’s
conclusion with respect to the possibility of an anthropology which
could
influence customs in determining
the duty .He says:” It would not be even possible, in the mere vulgar
practical
use of moral instruction to base customs on their true principles, and
promote
in that way pure moral dispositions of the will or instilled on the
spirits for
the greater good of the world.”
Two interrogations present themselves as a
consequence of
this conclusion in front of the Kantian hypothesis respecting the
common reason.
The first one would be: If common reason is able to
know the a priori principles
of good and evil, what for
would it be necessary to foster and educate man in this a priori
metaphysic,
which seems to be closer to the common man than to
the philosopher, according to
Kant’s own words.? In second
place, surges another interrogation even more problematic. What does
Kant means
when he states “for the greater
good of the world?” If good is only the will, the result for the world
(for
society as a whole) would seem alien to the concept of good. Otherwise,
it would
be necessary to assume that Kant recognizes a non expressed causality
between
the “good will” (intention) and the general good, at least as a
probability.
Then, the categorical imperative,
notwithstanding that it
could be considered as such in the individual realm, it would be
hypothetical
when it is considered in a universal field, that is of society as a
whole. According to Kant a hypothetical
imperative is such when an action is good only as a means to reach an
end,
whereas it is categorical when it is good in itself, because the will
is
conforming to reason. Yet what sense the set of categorical imperatives
, or the
conformity of the will to reason posses if it does case,
then the categorical imperative
for the individual conduct , would transformed into a hypothetical when
considering the conduct of the society as a whole.
It is obvious however that Kant does not
consider
happiness as an object of reason, hence it is outside the field of
morality. So
he says: “To determine with universal certainty
what action
promotes the happiness of a rational being is completely impossible.”
Hence, the
hypothetical imperatives are not commands but just advices. On the
other hand,
from the morality of a categorical imperative we can deduce that there
is no
relation between morality and happiness, because in that case it would
be
transformed into a hypothetical imperative. So Kant defines duty as a
universal
law, absolute and a priori, but at the same time he makes the following
warning:
“None ever dare to derive the
reality of this principle from the particular character of human
nature”.
It seems to me that in the above observation
over human
nature Kant creates an essential dichotomy. Human nature would be
related only
to feelings (passions) whereas rationality
would be outside of that
nature. Moreover we may
conclude from his assertions that humanity is contingent and more than
that the
cause of human fallibility. Rationality on the other hand would be an
absolute
category self determined and omniscient in the moral realm, since
according to
the categorical imperative it is able to elucidate between good and
evil without
the possibility of being mistaken.
The mistake in any event would never be rational but the influence of
the
subjective and contingent elements which influence the will and deviate
it from
the rational, hence moral course.
This conclusion is rather explicit when Kant commands more than
explains: “not
to expect anything from human inclination but from the paramount
authority of
the law and the respect for it, or otherwise to condemn man to
depreciate
himself and execrate in his interior.”
It is from this absolute rationality of men
that Kant
derives the nature of the person and differentiates it from the things.
So he
proposes his second categorical imperative which complements the first
one and
says: “The rational being are called persons because their nature
distinguish
them as ends in themselves, that is as something that cannot be used
merely as a
mean and consequently it limits in that sense every whim. It is from
this
conception that he derives his practical imperative that says: “Act in
such a
way that uses humanity in your
person as well as in the person of any other always as and end and
never as just
a mean.”
The third principle derived from this rational
quality is
the idea of the will of all
rational being as a “universal legislative will”. This is obviously an
amplification of the Rousseaunian general will. In the same way, Kant
considers
that will not only subject to the law but it is itself legislator. And
that will
cannot be founded on any interest . It is this principle according to
which the
will is not only subject to the law but also a law giver itself and it
is not
founded on any interest ,what Kant calls the “autonomy of the will” in
opposition to any other that he qualifies as heteronomy. This is the
kingdom of
the ends ignoring the differences among the rational beings as well as
every
private end. Even though Kant himself considers that possibility as an
ideal, it
is not less certain that as Hume states, if human conduct could be
subject to
those maxims, then the very idea of
justice would disappear and neither law or government would be
necessary. The
autonomy of the will is for Kant the paramount principle of morality
that he
defines it as follows:” The autonomy of the will is the constitution of
the will
according to which it is a law of itself independently of how the
objects of
desires are constituted.
From here Kant pass from the metaphysics of
morals to the
critic of pure practical reason. In this step, Kant delces into the
concept of
liberty as the condition of morality and he starts in the following
way: “Will
is a sort of causality of the living beings as much as they are
rational,
freedom is the property of that causality, that’s why it can be
efficient
independently from strange causes which determine it.” For Kant, then
the
freedom of the will is the autonomy, that is the will to be a law for
itself,
but only as long as it can be an
object of a universal law. Consequently Kant contends
that “free will and subject to
moral laws are one and the same thing.”
In fact Kant admits that it is necessary to
assume liberty, since its existence has not
been demonstrated , but it is a necessary condition to be able to
consider man
as a rational being and consequently subject to moral rules. But at the
same
time, he enters into a vicious circle in this assumption of liberty and
in this
respect he says: “We consider ourselves as free in the order of
efficient
causes, to be able to consider ourselves as subject to these laws
because we
have attributed to us the freedom of the will.” Like Hume, Kant also
considers
that we do not know the things in themselves (noumenos) but only as
they affect
us, that is phenomenally. It is from that starting point that Kant
tries to
break that vicious circle, distinguishing between two points of view
respecting
which men are able to consider themselves. “The first one pertaining to
the
sensible world under natural laws (heteronomy) and the second as
pertaining to
the intelligible world under laws which though independent from nature
are not
empirical, but are founded only on reason” (autonomy of the will). We
have then
that in the intelligible world man can think the causality of his own
will, only
under the assumption of liberty. Hence freedom is necessarily united to
the
concept of autonomy, and to the universal principle of morality which
serves as
the foundation of rational beings actions.
The intelligible world according to Kant,
contains as
such the sensible world, but the actions in accordance with the former
as an
expression of the autonomy of the will are based in the paramount
principle of
morality; while on the contrary those which conform to natural law in
the
sensible world are based on the principle of happiness (heteronomy).
Now, given
that that intelligible world contains the sensible world, it is only
because of
the former that man has to be subject to the law of reason. And he
asserts:
“Consequently, based on the laws of the intelligible world I should
consider
them for me as imperatives, and the actions conforming to this
principle as
duties.”
Here we can see Kant’s dramatic dichotomy
between
happiness and morality to which I had previously referred to. So he
contends
that even the most bastardly of rascals has good feelings,
or better appreciates the good
feelings, but he is preluded from carrying them out, on account of its
inclinations but he is precluded from carry them out, as a consequence
of his
inclinations. Kant had already pointed out that morality is only
dignified when
deeds are realized because of duty
and only for that reason, and not even when they conform to man
inclinations.
Obviously, this dichotomy should have transcendental effects on a
society in
which it would be necessary that all morality should avoid the
pursuance of
happiness because it is contingent and
heteronomous.
The purpose of the above analysis has been to
find the
philosophical sources of the political differences between the
Anglo-Saxons and
continental Europe. In that sense, and as I already explained in the
introduction I have chosen David Hume and Emmanuel Kant as the most
outstanding
representatives of the respective ethics that produced two diametrical
opposing
political processes.
This analysis is most interesting concerning
the
fundamental role of reason, while I
have made abstraction of the religious connotations that have
influenced the historical developments of the
cultural breech that has arisen at both sides of the English Channel.
Needless
to say that civilization is the process by which reason acquire a
relevant role
in society in order to overcome religious fanaticism. That’s why I have
considered of major importance to analyze the ethical approaches from
the time
when Europe at both sides of the Channel had started to separate God
from Caesar. We find then, and not
withstanding some exception as Spain, the different ethical conceptions
produced
very different societies. I do think that England was reborn through
the
empiricism which was the instrument of the Socratic doubt and so
created the
open society based on the respect of the individual rights and human
liberty. On
the other hand, continental Europe found in Kant the continuation of
the
Cartesian Discourse of the Method applied to the rational
absolutism of
the Rousseauian morality. I also certainly think that regardless of
Kant’s good
moral intentions, his ethical rationalist approach gave the fundamental
guideline that were to develop the political theories that ended up in
the
totalitarian systems of the 20th century. Hence,
totalitarianism is
no more than the rationalization of despotism sustained on the absolute
of
reason as the moral starting point which ignores human fallibility not
only in
the sensible world but also in the intelligible one. Even Friedrich
Nietzsche in
his On the Genealogy of Morals finds that there is something
cruel in the
categorical imperative.
Both, Hume and Kant base morality on intention,
that is
on the will. That is the one and only coincidence between the two
ethical
theories. From that point of departure, Hume defines the nature of
morals in the
sensible world and consequently on experience. Kant on the other hand,
establishes that reason is the paramount character of the person. Hence
morality is only related to reason, and
as a consequence has a universal a priori
character.
When Hume bases morality on the sensible world
he finds
in experience that men develop in a world of necessity and not
necessarily of
liberty. The necessity as opposed to liberty, which he considers the
true realm
of contingency ,is not the same as causality in the world of material
things. It
is from the above conclusion that he derives the existence of
biological
conditions of the will which somehow prescribe the moral behavior. So
he
contends that the affection for the off springs is a feeling that if it
did not
exist in the human nature as such,
it would no be required the care of the parents for
them.
For that
very reason Hume distinguishes the
character of morality as a
virtue andthat of justice
which he considers as an artificial
virtue. This distinction is of major importance. Morality is more felt
that
judged by the impartial spectator. Actual deeds then are no more than
signs of
the moral intention of the subject. Justice on the other hand is the
instrument
for the social intercourse and from that point of view its judgments
have a
finality and consequently transcend or even ignores intentionality.
That is
justice is consequential and not intentional
Kant
morality is found in the intelligible
world, and from that he infers
the necessity of liberty as the substratum of the will. It is this
relationship
between will and liberty what Kant call the double character of the
will as
subject to the law and universal legislator. This character as
universal
legislator of the will which operates as causality does in the material
world,
is based on the categorical imperative. That is, that one which command
to act
in every case conforming to a principle that should have
a universal
character.
It seems to me that this autonomy of the will
decidedly
implies that rationalization of the “general will” as a legislator of
itself,
that was originally proposed by Rousseau in his Social Contract.
From
there also arose the Hegelian ethics, according to which bureaucracy
was the
representative of the general interest (in Kantian terms) against the
concupiscence (private interest) of the
civil society. This ethical dichotomy is also present in Kant when he
despises
prudence as “the mere purpose to fill the purse”. And then he also says
that in
the field of ends morality is the only thing with dignity, whereas
every other
act has a price. Hence by definition trade is not moral. According to
Kant, the
trader has the possibility to charge an overprice or competition hamper
him from
doing so, but in no case, his behavior responds to duty ,that is to
honest
principles.
I believe that Hegel imbued with the same
rational morality, as an
absolute value, found
that such realm of the ends was in contradiction with the possibilities
of the
general will so expressed as the
interaction among honest men. Consequently, he found in the monarch the
teleological expression of the general will and bureaucracy as the
instrument of
universal morality. The pursuance
of happiness then is considered as a mere whim of those who are carried
away by
the happiness of the sensible world (heteronomy of the will), unable
to comply with the categorical
imperative, which in the Hegelian world is expressed as the true will
of the
monarch. We can see in this transcendental step in the moral realm the
origin of
the intellectualization of despotism that constitutes
totalitarianism..
In Hume, on the other hand, we can see the
attempt to use
the natural drives of human nature in order to achieve the ends of
social
harmony. We may argue whether the concept of liberty as mere
probability
(chance) is valid; and in this respect I do agree with Popper’s view
that it is
incomplete. But the world of necessity as described by Hume is the
attempt to
find human motivation and its
capacity or incapacity for social harmony. Justice as the artificial
instrument
of society transcends morality as mere intention, and constitutes the
mean that
shows the empirical reason to achieve the stability of social
harmony.
Acknowledging human
preference for
immediate good as well as the scarcity of the material goods with
respect to
men aspirations and wants, Hume
finds justice as the counterpart of property, rights and obligation.
From this,
he determines that social stability is based on the security of
possession, the
transference by consent and the fulfillment of promises. Hume as well
as Kant
knows that happiness is contingent, but far from forbidding the
pursuance of it
based on an absolute moral imperative, he establishes the rules
according to
which it is allowed to every one the pursuance of his own happiness.
There is
then no a priori contradiction between private and public interests.
The realm
of individual right, considered as the lack of coercion is expanded
in the Anglo-Saxon society, while it is
reduced on the other side of the Channel. Democracy and freedom were
the results
of this conception in front of the totalitarian system and oppression
resulting
from Kant’s absolute moral rationalism. There is no doubt that moral
rationalism
more or less influenced the political views of continental Europe till
the
Second World War and I could add that they are
back, through social
democracy.
The well-being of society cannot depend on the
moral
intentions of the citizens actions. It is for that very reason that
since
morality is related to the intensions that reflects human drives on one
side,
and our rational fallibility on the other, the distinction with respect
to
justice is fundamental. It is this Kantian confusion between moral and
justice
what actually hinders a moral mean in the expectation of a categorical
imperative impossible to comply with and which in any case, it is not
perceptible for the impartial spectator. That is why Ayn Rand once
said: “A
morality that cannot be practiced is an unlimited cover for any
practice.
Altruism is the rationalization for the mass slaughter in
Soviet Russia –for the legalized
looting in the welfare state– for the power lust of politicians seeking
to serve
the “common good”. The sense of duty that is the ultimate cause which
impulse
the individual to fulfill the rule, in any event is only perceptible
for
himself. Justice in Hume terms has a decided utilitarian sense, even
though he
never tried to measure the attained well-being. On the contrary, the
Kantian
ideal fails absolutely and consequently allows the
creation of a
political structure, that based on that absolute
morality, it is
imposed on the conscience of the society and ends up eliminating any
trace of
liberty and justice. These are the different political results between
the maxim
“to live and let live” and the categorical imperative as it was
observed by
Steffan Zweig.
According
to Roscoe Pound, the alternative between Natural Law and
Positive Law started at the time of the Greeks and was followed by the
Roman
Law. So referring to the Romans, he says in his Introduction to the
Philosophy of Law: “Hence what to the Greeks was a distinction
between right
of nature and right by convention or enactment became to them a
distinction
between law by nature and law by custom or legislation”.
My
contention is that the above alternative is not the important one.
Before entering into the subject, I wish to remember Kant’s dictum:
fiat
justicia, pereat mundi (Do justice even though the world could perish).
Coming
back to may contention this is a great fallacy, because the one and
only end of
justice is precisely to hinder the possibility that the world would
perish.
Now
then, the alternative between law of nature and what we call positive
law is immaterial if we don’t define what is justice and its purposes.
And this
distinction comes from the very nature of Roman law which as Pound
says: “the
jurisconsults were practical
lawyers and the paramount interest in the general security was ever
before their
eyes…” “But the juristic empiricism by which the ius civile was made
into law of
the world needed something more that a theoretical incentive”. The
creation of
the ius civile was more the empiricism of the ius gentium which was in
charge of
the “preator peregrinus”. And so Pound recognizes then that: “It was a
process
very like that by which Anglo-American judicial empiricism has been
able to make
a law of the world on the basis of the legal precepts of 17th
century
England”.
In
England of the 17th century, the idea of law was influenced
by John Locke, who used the idea of natural law in order to justify his
concept
of individual rights. So in his letter concerning toleration he wrote:
“Civil
interests I call Life, Liberty, Health and Indulgency of Body and the
possession
of outward things”. Here we have the individual rights as such, which
in his
view are the natural rights. So much so that whether we agree or not
(and I
don’t) with him in that very letter of toleration he establishes
that it is not possible to be tolerant
with the atheist, because they don’t respect the law of nature. Later
on, Locke
in his Second Treatise on Civil Government repeats the above
sentence,
but in a different way and considers that the law
of nature provides the
rights of men “to preserve
their property, his life, his liberty and his Estate”.
Pound
however contends that there is a difference between the American
and the British approach to natural law. So he says with respect to the
American
variant of natural law: “It was not that natural law expressed the
nature of
man. Rather it expresses the nature of governments.” I certainly don’t
agree
with this contention since in fact the nature of government as
conceived by the
Founding Fathers reflected precisely their conception with respect to
the fallibility of man
nature.
It
is precisely based on this assumption that Locke in his Second
Treatise argues against absolute monarchy and so he says: “But I
shall
desire those who make this objection to remember that absolute monarchy
are but
men, and if Governments is to be the remedy for those evils, which
comes from
men being judges in their own cases and the state of nature is
therefore not to
be endure… I desire to know what kind of government that is, and how
much better
it is than the state of nature, where one man commanding a multitude,
has the
liberty to be judge in his own case, and may do to all his subjects
whatever he
pleases without the least liberty
to anyone to question or controle those who execute the pleasure.” And
then, in
the chapter of Political or Civil Society, he adds the following
reflection: “As
if when men quitting the state of nature entered into society, they
agreed that
all of them but one should be under the restreint of Laws, but that he
should
retain all the liberty of the state of nature increased with power, and
made
licentious by Impunity. This is to think that men are so foolish that
they take
care to avoid what mischiefs may be done by polecats or foxes but are
content
nay think it safety to be devoured by Lions”
The
above quotations are the main arguments to limit political power
although Locke did not include the separation of the judicial power as
the main
instrument to limit political
power. Hence we can say that contrary to Pound contention, the
organization of
the government was a reflection on human nature as it was to be clearly
expressed by James Madison in Letter 10 of The Federalist
Papers.
I
would say then that natural rights are not the product of human nature,
but in spite of. And the way to comply with those rights was the
limitation of
political power or what he called
prerogatives. And for that purpose the role of the parliament was
paramount. The
problem was that as the king prerogatives were reduced, factually
parliament
took care of them.
It
is true that in England, prevailed the so-called common law, which
reflected costume, and essentially the role of judges was to interpret
and apply
the law. Actually they created the law with a pragmatic approach to
solve the
problem in the name of equity. But we should not forget that at the
time of
Elizabeth, there existed three Courts which actually were completely
submitted
to the political power. Those were the Court of the Star Chamber, the
Court of
the High Commission and the Martial Court. According to Eugene Miller
the
function of those Courts were “The Star Chamber possessed an unlimited
discretionary authority to impose penalties for a variety of offences
not
covered by common law, and its members consisted of men who enjoyed the
offices
during the king’s pleasure. The king himself was in fact the sole judge
when he
was present; the Court of the High Commission exercised jurisdiction
over the
crime of heresy; and martial law powers could be used to inflict swift
punishment on the pretext of insurrection or public disorder”.
In
spite of this reality Locke did not refer to the judicial power in his Treatise
though we should take into account
that at the time he wrote it, the Court of
the Star Chamber and the Court of High Commission had been already
abolished.
But before entering into the separation of the judicial power in the
way
prescribed by Montesquieu, I think advisable to delve into
the concept of justice as conceived
by David Hume.
Contrary
to Locke, Hume’s approach to justice and rights is completely
alien to the concept of Natural Law, but is based precisely on human
nature. So
he says in his Treatise on Human Nature: “Here then is a
proposition,
which, I think, may be regarded as certain, that ‘tis only from the
selfishness
and confin’d gerosity of men, along with the scanty provision nature
has made
for his wants, that justice derives its origin […] But ‘its evident,
that the
only cause, why the extensive generosity of man, and the perfect
abundance of
every thing, would destroy the very idea of justice, is because they
render it
useless.”
From
the above quotation it is easily perceived that Hume’s concept of
justice is not a reflection of natural rights but it’s based on the
nature of
man and the character of its natural surrounding. Hence he consider
justice as
an artificial virtue which it is deeply related to the very nature of
private
property. In that sense, the main characteristic pf property are that
it is
established by convention. Hence he distinguishes between moral and
justice.
Morality then is a natural virtue arising from the passions of men and
in that
sense it is opposed to the concept of rational morality as conceived
from
Plato’s Phaedro to Kant’s Fundamentals of the Metaphysics
of
Morals.
By
the same token, morality is intentional whereas justice is
consequential. And in that sense, we can say that this is a pragmatic
approach
to law as it was mainly the ius gentium and not the Justinian
codification of
the 6th century after Christ. At the same time, Hume does
not
consider that artificial means arbitrary but all the way around. And
that’s why
he says that: “Self interest is the original motive to the
establishment of
justice; but a sympathy with public interest is the cause of the moral
approbation, which attends that virtue”. So Hume determines that: “The
three
fundamental laws of nature, that of stability of possession, the
transference by
consent and of the performance of promises. It is on the strict
observance of
those laws that the peace and security of human society entirely
depends.
We
have already talked about justice, property and the limitations of
political power, but we have not touched upon the necessary
independence of the
judiciary in order to be able to apply the law and recognize the limits
of
political power. That was originally the contribution of Carlos Luis de
Secondat, baron de la Brede et Montesquieu. In his book Of the
Spirit of
Laws he wrote: “There is no freedom if the power to judge is served
from the
legislative power. If it is not separated from the legislative, it
would be
possible to arbitrarily ignore the freedom and the life of the
citizens; as the
judge would be legislator. It is
not separated from the executive power, the judge would have the power
of an
oppressor”.
It
is my understanding that from the above paragraph it has been
recognized Montesquieu as the originator of the theory of the
separation of
powers. In that sense, I would say that is has been ignored the
contribution of
Locke to that theory, since as we explained above, he did not refer to
the
juridical power, for the reasons that we gave before.
I
consider that this recognition has been a great historical mistake,
because Montesquieu ignored the very reasons why it was necessary to
establish
the distribution of power. That is
when he defines the conditions on which is based the Republic, he
establish the
virtue of the citizens and then he says: “But political virtue is the
unselfishness, the generosity, what is most difficult. It is possible
to define
this virtue saying that it is the love to the fatherland and to the
laws. This
love which always prefer the public good to its own, generates all the
private
virtues which compound those preferences”. And he continues: “The love
to the
Republic in a democracy is the love to equality. By giving all the same
well
being and the same advantages, they should enjoy the same pleasures and
to have
the same hope. What is not possible if frugality is not general.
We
can see from the above quotation that Montesquieu in the
18th century was already looking for the good savage
(Rousseau) and
the new man (Marx). Hence, he ignores the very reason of liberty and of
course
of private interests and as a consequence of individual rights.
Now
that we have already analysed the instrument as well as the essence
of the reason from the separation of powers, we should continue our
argument
with respect to the difference between the original law creation
through the ius
gentium in Rome as it was inherited by the Anglo-American common law
and the
Justinian codification which influenced the Continental juridical
system. In
this respect, Hayek in his The Constitution of Liberty wrote:
“The famous
Laws of the Twelve Tables reputedly drawn up in conscious imitation of
Solon’s
laws from the foundation of its liberty. The first public laws in them
provides
‘that no privilege or statues shall be enacted in favour of private
persons, to the injury of others
contrary to the law common to all citizens, and which individuals no
matter of
what rank have a right to make use of’. This was the basic conception
under
which there was gradually formed, by a process very similar to that by
which the
common law grew, the first fully developed system of private law
–in spirit
very different from the later Justinian Code, which determined the
legal
thinking of the Continent.”
According
to Hayek, it was Cicero who developed the concept of freedom
under the law. That is that there is no conflict between law and
freedom. This
concept was also established by John Locke in his Second Treatise
on Civil
Government, where he said that there is no freedom without law.
This concept
was even more extended by David Hume and in this respect Eugene F.
Miller in his
essay Hume on the Development of English Freedom says: “True
liberty, as
Hume understands it, incorporates the restraint of law. It requires
such
limitations as are necessary to make the individual secure from harm,
whether
from other individually or from government.” So he insists that the
freedom of
individual can be limited only by laws and not by a prerogative or
discretionary
power in the executive.” And Miller continues: “What Hume fears is not
so much
the tyranny of the people as the tyranny of popular assamblies
dominated by
leaders who claim to speak for the people. Popular assamblies are by
their size,
exempt in great measure from the restraint of shame and when they
overleap the
bounds of law, they naturally break out into acts the greatest tyranny
and
injustice”.
We
can see that these principles were the ones which were later developed
in the United States to establish the rule of law as the antithesis of
the
reason of state prevailing in the continent which is based
philosophically in
the reality of the universals like the state, the nation, the people,
etc., and
is the very expression of the absolute prerogatives of the political
power. This
is to ignore the “surprising” finding of Locke, when he discovered the
fact that
monarchs were also men.
It
is in this respect that Miller recognizes the difference between
British and the continental philosophy of history and so he says. “Hume
subordinates the study of history to moral science, the fundamental
premise of
which is that human nature is constant and uniform. Indeed, the chief
use of
history ‘is only to discover the constant and universal principles of
human
nature, by showing men in all varieties of circumstances and
situations, and
furnishing us with materials from which we may form our observations
and become
acquainted with the regular springs of human action and behavior.’
“Continental
philosophy of history, by contrast, would proceed on the
assumption that human beings have no fixed nature. In order to
understand man,
we must study his development; and history is the field in which this
development occurs. The aim or end of human development is freedom, and
history
moves inexorably toward the full realization of this end.” This Hegel
approach
following Kant’s reason in history was later superseded by Marx end of
history
in the classless society.
So
there is great difference between accepting that there is no freedom
without law (Locke) and the pretension that all freedom is the result
of law
(Hegel). That is the difference between liberty and oppression. In the
first
case, everything that is not forbidden is permitted whereas the second
means
that only those things that are legally permitted are not forbidden.
But
coming back to the origins of the rule of law, let’s see what Hayek
says in this respect. And he says: “During the later empire the strict
law was
weakened as, in the interest of a new social policy, the state
increased its
control over economic life. The outcome of this process, which
culminated under
Constantine, was, in the words of a distinguished student of Roman law,
that
‘the absolute empire proclaimed together with the principle of equity
the
authority of the empirical will unfettered by the barrier of law.
Justinian with
his learned professors brought this process to is conclusions.’
Thereafter, for
a thousand years, the conception of legislation should serve to protect
the
freedom of the individual was lost. And when the art of legislation was
rediscovered, it was the code of Justinian with its conception of a
prince who
stood above the law that served as the model in the Continent.”
From
the above quotation we may accept this thesis that the real
inheritors of Roman law were the Anglo-Americans. On the other hand,
continental
Europe and obviously Latin America, inherited the Codification and with
it the
notion that the political power is above the Law. That is one of the
main
reasons why democracy failed in Europe and it is showing again its
weakness
under the aegis of socialism and nationalism. Needless to say the case
of Latin
America during the last twenty years where “universal suffrage” has
been just
the excuse to violate individual rights by the law.
The
greatest contribution of the Americans to political philosophy was
the institution of the written Constitution and the fundamental role of
the
Supreme Court as the guardian of the Constitution. In letter 78 of The
Federalist, Hamilton wrote in this respect: “No legislative act
therefore
contrary to the Constitution can be valid. To deny this would be to
affirm that
the deputy is greater than his principal… A Constitution is in fact and
must be
regarded by the judges as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to
them the
ascertain its meaning as well as the meaning of any particular act
proceeding
from the legislative body.”
The
above principle was applied in 1803 by Judge Marshall in the famous
case Madison vs. Marbury, where the Court stated: “All those who have
framed
written constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and
paramount
law o the nation, and consequently the theory of every such government
must be,
that an act of the legislature, repugnant to the constitution, is
void.” “It is,
emphatically, the province and duty of judicial department, to say what
the law
is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity
expound and
interpret the rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the courts
must decide
on the operation of each… If the, the courts are to regard the
constitution, and
the constitution is superior to any ordinary act of the legislature,
the
constitution, and not such ordinary act, must govern the case to which
they both
apply.”
This
is the operating concept of the judicial review, which is the
instrument by which political power can be checked. Obviously the
underlying
idea to explicitly control the government is the principle established
by
Madison in letter 51 of The Federalist and which reflects the
wisdom of
John Locke and David Hume in their respective concepts of the nature of
government, and the role of justice, considering the nature of man.
Then Madison
said: “But what is government itself but the greatest of all
reflections on
human nature? If men were angels, no government
would be necessary. If angels were
to govern men, neither
external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In
framing a
government which is to be administrated by men over men, the great
difficulty
lies in this: You must first enable the government to control the
governed; and
in the next place, oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the
people is no
doubt the primary control on the government; but experience has taught
mankind
the necessity of auxiliary precautions.” Needless to say that above
all, this
role of the Supreme Court can be performed as long as it is independent
from the
political power.
I
would say then that the American Constitutional System implies not only
the formality of the separation of the state powers (limits to
political power),
but the juridicalization of the philosophical principles included in
the Bill of
Rights (Constitutional amendments). Those rights may be accepted as the
expression of natural rights (Locke) or as the result of learning
process about
human nature (Hume). Hence the rule of law implies social agreement
with respect
to individual rights. That is why in the United States political
discussion are
always about issues within the province of the Constitution. That is
the wisdom
of the Republic which is completely different from the concept of
majority rule,
which is the democratic process in the rest of the world. So the system
or the
individual rights, life, liberty, property and the pursuance of
happiness are
never at stake or at least should never be at stake in the political
arena.
Most
important of the recognition is the recognition as well of the
ethicity of private interests which are not oppose per se to the
general
interests. So much so that the right to the pursuance of happiness is
the
recognition of the ethicity of private interest in this world as well
as in the
next. And in that sense, the words of Madison in letter 51 of The
Federalist are more illuminating in this respect when he says: “In
a free
government, the security for civil rights must be the same as for
religious
rights. It consists in the once case in the multiplicity of interests,
and in
the order, in the multiplicity of sects.”